punkistani:

“Hosting the Olympics is often presented to us as an ideologically neutral opportunity to boost tourism and sports. In a thought-provoking piece Ashok Kumar outlines a clear and consistent, yet barely noticed, pattern of the Games being used to fundamentally restructure the host City to the purposeful exclusion of its working class and ethnic minority residents.…”

This is a really great article.

If you’ve heard negative things about the Olympics, and want to know more, then read the shit out of this.

tipsforradicals:

This dude sadly passed about a week ago, and sadly it took that for me to actually read any of his work.

A few thoughts on this:

  • Definitely back the idea that a moral critique of hierarchy often misses out on a power analysis that deals with the ways various hierarchies work in our society. Each needs a different approach, and their inevitable intertwining and mutual reinforcement means that bringing down any one (e.g. capitalism) in no way guarantees the destruction of the others.
  • Infoshops as theory is inherently introverted; insurrection as theory is inherently vanguardist. Both are missing a common strand of movement building - I can’t help but think of Movement for a New Society here.
  • A bit of a lack of intersectionality. I really stand behind his point that different forms of hierarchy (a) have had varying degrees of involvement in the building of our society (b) need to be tackled differently - butI don’t think that they can be separated out to the extent that they are here e.g. the lack of gender analysis in the “wages of whiteness” critique.

RIP Joel Olson <3

Marxists, Socialists, Leftists, etc.

philosophy-of-praxis:

omnipresentspeed:

I would like a better understanding of your approach towards economics. I consider myself a capitalist. However, I am interested to hear how you all present your points and answer a few questions. I do not want to make some long hateful flame fest and the minute I start seeing this or even get hints of it, I’ll delete this post.

Now, if you are interested, without using strawmen, personal attacks, ideological insults, or anything else aside from reasonable, simple explanations, could you please address the following:

1) What is wrong with private property? How is private property theft? 2) What makes free-market capitalism hierarchical? Exploitative? 3) How can wealth be redistributed in a non-coercive manner? How can redistribution occur without negating the non-aggression principle? 4) Why should an individual’s primary concern be for others instead of himself? 5) How do you eliminate class and capitalism in a manner consistent with the non-aggression principle? 6) How are issues such as racism, gender inequality, religious discrimination, ableism, etc. linked to capitalism? How are these issues addressed under other systems?

I really appreciate anyone who takes the time to answer this. As I said, full blown capitalist and quasi-Objectivist here, but I am legitimately curious. Please maintain civility.

Thanks.

1. Private property should be recognised as distinct from personal property.  Personal property is something you’re in possession of and have a personal use for.  Private property is something owned by one person which is worked by (an) other(s) for the profit of the owner.

Say I own some land and contained underneath it is coal.  I make the investment to get some people to make a mine, dig up the coal and process it.  At no point is my labour used in the creation of a product to sell: I do not dig the coal, I do not refine it.  Because the land is mine, the coal is mine and therefore I take the proceeds from the sale of the coal and pay the workers a wage.  Yet it is the labour of others and not myself that has created the wealth, only through happenstance that I own the land do I take profit from the process of production.

In this sense it is theft though: legal means are in place to defend my claim to the land (judicial and police system) however through my claim the resources are mine to control.  The coal is denied to common use based on those who labour for it and those who require it, instead it exists for my personal profit.  I can hoard the resource so that I can maximise my personal profit, I can plunder the resource so that it can be of no use for future generations.  The argument I take is that this is illegitimate and maintained only through force and coercion (if people do not work for me, they starve.  That in itself is a form of force) whilst there is no justification as to why I can claim that land as mine (so I inherited it or bought it, but from whom and how did they acquire it?  The world wasn’t made with title deeds.  For land to become private rather than the commons requires an individual to claim it, in doing so they prevent its use by others, often through force such as wars.)

2.  I think I answered in 1 as to why it’s considered exploitative but for clarity: the labour of the masses functions so that the few can profit from the surplus that labour creates.  In this way it is also hierarchic, the owners of private property are a select, elite few who also hold (as a class rather than necessarily as individuals) the political power, they can control, for example, the expectation of minimum wage, holiday time, hours worked in a week, number of breaks in a day etc.  Their position is maintained through, say, the police or private security, historically thugs and fascists are brought in to scab or break up pickets and so on.  The owners of private property don’t have to work, their lives aren’t as stressful but they do reap the benefits of the labour others put in, tenfold compared to the wage the workers receive.

3.  In the sense of transitioning from capitalism to communism, a “non-coercive manner” is unlikely for redistribution.  If everybody who owns land relinquishes it to the collective, then fine.  If they defend it, especially with violence, then coercion will be used.  I am not fussed about maintaining a non-aggression principle, when aggression has been used to achieve and maintain the status quo as being beneficial for the select few.

4.  Because if everyone takes that attitude it’s completely non-functional and becomes the “war of all against all.”  It is, simply put, a better way to create a well functioning society through being considerate of others.  Living within a society that functions better, has fairer distribution of resources etc is fundamentally in the interests of the majority of people.  Unless you’re grand-bourgeois and own a massive factory or big chain, the chances are that you as an individual would be better off under a socialist system where people look out for each other, rather than trying to look out only for yourself as an individual but not progressing far up the lander in the grand scheme.

5.  You don’t.  The non-aggression principle is an idea that inherently favours maintaining the status quo of exploitation and removing any capacity for meaningful change by denying the ability to make it happen.  It is produced by the most extreme proponents of the “purest” form of that exploitative system.  It makes no sense to be bound by a contradictory, hypocritical ideal.

6.  Not to say that they’re inherent purely to, nor that they developed solely out of, capitalism.  However systems of othering functions within capitalism to divide the working class and prevent it from organising.  Racism is a contradiction supported and maintained (whether through conscious recognition or not) through capitalism because it benefits the super rich to have white people fighting to keep down black people, rather than white and black people fighting to bring down the super rich, for example.  Dehumanisation of people from external nationalities is also important for legitimising wars over resources and so on as well.  Either they don’t use the resources properly and thus don’t deserve them (manifest destiny) or the people are “barbarians” and need to be “civilised.”  External cultures must be brought into heel so that they function within the capitalist system so that their labour and resources may also be exploited.

Gender inequality, along with discrimination based on sexuality, plays into this idea for the nuclear family.  People’s sexual and reproductive purpose under capitalism is that they must breed the next generation of workers, through constructing divided labour in which the woman looks after the child that frees up the man to work more hours of the day.  The man is viewed as dominant because he primarily is seen as the contributor to the powers of production and the wealthy class is primarily dominated by men in positions of power.  This has a knock on effect for the way in which magazines, TV, adverts, etc are constructed.  The people with control represent a specific group, therefore they reproduce media that prioritises and values the identity they connect with.

Religious discrimination is a tricky one to cover quickly but broadly I see religious institutions as not being separated from these organisational power structures.  Religious institutions become a method of ideological control to construct society in a fashion beneficial to capitalism, and subaltern cultures with religious connection that do not conform to this are oppressed as a result.

Ableism relates to the way in which capitalism is homogenising so that it can produce and continue producing for the minimum effort with maximum profit.  People with impairments require a divergence from this homogenous mass that capitalism aims to create - they do not function as a part of the machine, as it were, and therefore their needs are considered to be a burden and extraneous rather than something that can be catered for and resolved, because there isn’t a great profit factor in resolving those issues.

How is it catered for within other forms of society?  It’s not something that magically just changes but without the profit factor, without the need to exploit and without the need for infinite accumulation then society doesn’t need to organise itself in a fashion that creates othering and oppression.  The greed and selfishness that maintains such power dynamics are, in the grand scheme, a hindrance to building a society which functions positively.  While somebody under capitalism my see themselves as benefiting from oppression and therefore propagate it, their incentive to do so outside of the capitalist system is greatly reduced.  Domination over media and cultural sources that propagate and instil such systems is no longer by the elite minority, because everybody has equal control in the means of production, and therefore it becomes easier to create counter-culture which is able to change and develop peoples stances so that such forms of discrimination can be broken down.

Now obviously that last part is hypothetical and a bit vague, but it’s 2 am and probably the best you’re going to get from me at the moment.  I’m not saying oppression just disappears, but the incentive to maintain it is no longer present, the power structures to reinforce it can be removed, and through struggle, if done properly, people can have detrimental prejudices challenged and broken down.

socialist critique of capitalist value systems etc.

ill Manors by Plan B

pretty good video, really interested to see the film it’s part of, on the UK riots and their causes

I don’t know much about the guy, but if Owen Jones says he’s alright then I’m game. class politics in rap and hip hop - one of my faves!

(Source: periscopepost.com)

Support and solidarity! We’re inspired by the occupations on Wall Street and elsewhere around the country. Finally, people are taking to the streets again! The momentum around these actions has the potential to reinvigorate protest and resistance in this country. We hope these occupations will increase both in numbers and in substance, and we’ll do our best to contribute to that.

Why should you listen to us? In short, because we’ve been at this a long time already. We’ve spent decades struggling against capitalism, organizing occupations, and making decisions by consensus. If this new movement doesn’t learn from the mistakes of previous ones, we run the risk of repeating them. We’ve summarized some of our hard-won lessons here.

Occupation is nothing new. The land we stand on is already occupied territory. The United States was founded upon the extermination of indigenous peoples and the colonization of their land, not to mention centuries of slavery and exploitation. For a counter-occupation to be meaningful, it has to begin from this history. Better yet, it should embrace the history of resistance extending from indigenous self-defense and slave revolts through the various workers’ and anti-war movements right up to the recent anti-globalization movement.

The “99%” is not one social body, but many. Some occupiers have presented a narrative in which the “99%” is characterized as a homogenous mass. The faces intended to represent “ordinary people” often look suspiciously like the predominantly white, law-abiding middle-class citizens we’re used to seeing on television programs, even though such people make up a minority of the general population.

It’s a mistake to whitewash over our diversity. Not everyone is waking up to the injustices of capitalism for the first time now; some populations have been targeted by the power structure for years or generations. Middle-class workers who are just now losing their social standing can learn a lot from those who have been on the receiving end of injustice for much longer.

The problem isn’t just a few “bad apples.” The crisis is not the result of the selfishness of a few investment bankers; it is the inevitable consequence of an economic system that rewards cutthroat competition at every level of society. Capitalism is not a static way of life but a dynamic process that consumes everything, transforming the world into profit and wreckage. Now that everything has been fed into the fire, the system is collapsing, leaving even its former beneficiaries out in the cold. The answer is not to revert to some earlier stage of capitalism—to go back to the gold standard, for example; not only is that impossible, those earlier stages didn’t benefit the “99%” either. To get out of this mess, we’ll have to rediscover other ways of relating to each other and the world around us.

Police can’t be trusted. They may be “ordinary workers,” but their job is to protect the interests of the ruling class. As long as they remain employed as police, we can’t count on them, however friendly they might act. Occupiers who don’t know this already will learn it firsthand as soon as they threaten the imbalances of wealth and power our society is based on. Anyone who insists that the police exist to protect and serve the common people has probably lived a privileged life, and an obedient one.

Don’t fetishize obedience to the law. Laws serve to protect the privileges of the wealthy and powerful; obeying them is not necessarily morally right—it may even be immoral. Slavery was legal. The Nazis had laws too. We have to develop the strength of conscience to do what we know is best, regardless of the laws.

To have a diversity of participants, a movement must make space for a diversity of tactics. It’s controlling and self-important to think you know how everyone should act in pursuit of a better world. Denouncing others only equips the authorities to delegitimize, divide, and destroy the movement as a whole. Criticism and debate propel a movement forward, but power grabs cripple it. The goal should not be to compel everyone to adopt one set of tactics, but to discover how different approaches can be mutually beneficial.

Don’t assume those who break the law or confront police are agents provocateurs. A lot of people have good reason to be angry. Not everyone is resigned to legalistic pacifism; some people still remember how to stand up for themselves. Police violence isn’t just meant to provoke us, it’s meant to hurt and scare us into inaction. In this context, self-defense is essential.

Assuming that those at the front of clashes with the authorities are somehow in league with the authorities is not only illogical—it delegitimizes the spirit it takes to challenge the status quo, and dismisses the courage of those who are prepared to do so. This allegation is typical of privileged people who have been taught to trust the authorities and fear everyone who disobeys them.

No government—that is to say, no centralized power—will ever willingly put the needs of common people before the needs of the powerful. It’s naïve to hope for this. The center of gravity in this movement has to be our freedom and autonomy, and the mutual aid that can sustain those—not the desire for an “accountable” centralized power. No such thing has ever existed; even in 1789, the revolutionaries presided over a “democracy” with slaves, not to mention rich and poor.

That means the important thing is not just to make demands upon our rulers, but to build up the power to realize our demands ourselves. If we do this effectively, the powerful will have to take our demands seriously, if only in order to try to keep our attention and allegiance. We attain leverage by developing our own strength.

Likewise, countless past movements learned the hard way that establishing their own bureaucracy, however “democratic,” only undermined their original goals. We shouldn’t invest new leaders with authority, nor even new decision-making structures; we should find ways to defend and extend our freedom, while abolishing the inequalities that have been forced on us.

The occupations will thrive on the actions we take. We’re not just here to “speak truth to power”—when we only speak, the powerful turn a deaf ear to us. Let’s make space for autonomous initiatives and organize direct action that confronts the source of social inequalities and injustices.

Thanks for reading and scheming and acting. May your every dream come true.

(Source: untilallarefreenooneisfree)

The income distributions in 1996-7 and 2009-10 (Great Britain)
What this demonstrates:
The rich have got very much richer: there are nearly three times  as many families netting more than £1,500 per week after tax than there  were in 1997.
The very poorest have got poorer: there are now  twice as many people apparently living on thin air (an income of zero)  than there were in 1997, and they now number well over half a million.
Everybody in between has got considerably more equal: in 1997 a huge  swath of families was clustered around lowish incomes of around £200 a  week or so; today far fewer are at that low level and very many  households are to be found instead at moderate incomes of £300, £400 or  even £500 per week.
Points courtesy of the Guardian.

The income distributions in 1996-7 and 2009-10 (Great Britain)

What this demonstrates:

  1. The rich have got very much richer: there are nearly three times as many families netting more than £1,500 per week after tax than there were in 1997.
  2. The very poorest have got poorer: there are now twice as many people apparently living on thin air (an income of zero) than there were in 1997, and they now number well over half a million.
  3. Everybody in between has got considerably more equal: in 1997 a huge swath of families was clustered around lowish incomes of around £200 a week or so; today far fewer are at that low level and very many households are to be found instead at moderate incomes of £300, £400 or even £500 per week.

Points courtesy of the Guardian.

Alt text: &#8220;BREAKING NEWS // England rioters &#8216;poorer, younger, less educated&#8217; //  The most comprehensive statistics published so far on the August riots in England show that those who took part were poorer, younger and of lower educational achievement than average. Some 90% of those brought before the courts were male, and only 5% were over the age of 40.&#8221;
BREAKING NEWS? No shit, Sherlock.

Alt text: “BREAKING NEWS // England rioters ‘poorer, younger, less educated’ //  The most comprehensive statistics published so far on the August riots in England show that those who took part were poorer, younger and of lower educational achievement than average. Some 90% of those brought before the courts were male, and only 5% were over the age of 40.

BREAKING NEWS? No shit, Sherlock.

"There is now a gap of up to 13 years in life expectancy between the more prosperous and deprived areas of Britain. For instance, a boy from Kensington and Chelsea, in affluent London, can expect to live 13.5 years more than a boy in Glasgow City."

Britain divided by life expectancy (Age UK)

sadface

The Cabinet Office is looking for an agency to handle an integrated marketing campaign that aims to bring young people closer together and encourage them to engage more actively in the Big Society.

looking for an agency?

integrated marketing campaign??

that’s fine then. social division averted.

“Zines and the (increasingly understood to be) free and open Internet are a way to dissolve barriers traditionally made too daunting by class structures.” - Nowah Jacobs weighs in on the topic of grass-roots media.

yummyache:

ilivesweat:

(Andy’s note: This piece is a response to a previous guest post on this topic which you can find here)


(photo by Naomi Nagler)

I have looked at academic papers written by my peers at university and I have been able to point out inconsistencies in their uses of APA, MLA, and Chicago citation styles. I have been encouraged by my professors to submit my own academic works to journals with the word Quarterly in the title. I regularly look up that Pictures of Sad Children comic of David Foster Wallace trapped on a desert island and laugh out loud. I, like Costa Koutsoutis, personally place value on my own literacy and, (too often), on the literacy of others, but yet I diverge quickly and harshly from the thesis of his recent I Live Sweat essay.

Academe is an institution historically at odds with a punk rock ethic. Consider the frequently massive disparities in academic literacy rates, and, indeed, overall scholastic success, across race-, gender-, and class-based lines. It seems to me as though Costa writes from a similar degree of privilege from which I do. If there was one thing I wasn’t made to struggle with, it was my right to learn. But I acknowledge, appreciate, and regret that the same cannot be said for many of my peers in punk who, for one reason or dozens, have not been afforded the same opportunity.

If I insist that I want nothing to do with his rough drafts, I’m minimizing the experiences of my roommate who wasn’t properly taught, by a failing public education system, the difference between your and you’re. If I throw away Cheap Toys #7 without reading it because academic English is not my friend’s first language, I am engaging in the symbolic annihilation of his entire culture. If someone’s print job is a little fudged because she can’t afford to spend eighteen cents a page to have it done at Staples, I owe it to her to listen to what she has to say. It’s unlikely that many people do, and frankly I find it unlikely that she’s taking herself any less seriously than the “big boys” clinging to a crumbling infrastructure of boarded up Boarders’ and blog-of-the-week book deals.

Zines and the (increasingly understood to be) free and open Internet are a way to dissolve barriers traditionally made too daunting by class structures. They have emerged as an invaluable lesson in each individual’s entitlement to an opinion. And it is baffling, to me, the notion that we as punks should do anything but nurture that creativity in each other. Jen Twigg says of sexism in the punk scene that we “owe it to ourselves to grow and learn together.” I think that her outlook extends to this discussion as well. We must direct our rage toward the institutions that have failed us, rather than faulting each other for being failed by them. We owe it to ourselves to grow and learn and teach together, and we deserve to be supported by our community.

And if my advisor, Dr. Jody Waters, had refused to look at my drafts, I wouldn’t have graduated college with the capacity to reject my privilege in this way.

Nowah Jacobs is a writer, bassist, and radio producer living vicariously through Bloomington, Indiana. He has an intense love for roadside America, and would love to read everything that you have ever written in your whole entire life. He can be contacted at yummyache.tumblr.com.

That’s me! I wrote that!

this is nowah! he wrote this! fuck grammar prescriptivism, elitism and general language snobbery :)

(via nowah-deactivated20130420)